CHAPTER 6
The Decade of War
Retreat and integration of the Macaense communities
During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, China’s history was peppered with one war after another – civil wars and wars with foreign PoWers over opium or against imperialism. In the history of the Macaenses in China, with the exception of the Opium War (1839-1842), there was no greater upheaval than that experienced during the decade of war beginning with the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 to the Communist victory in 1949. The disintegration of foreign communities in China was a defining moment for the Macaense communities as the Shanghai and Hong Kong Macaenses retreated to Macau for refuge and then to Hong Kong for jobs.
In this chapter, we surveyed the decade of war that compelled the Macaenses to leave Mainland China and how it impacted the development of the Macaense communities. Following the events of 1949, many opted to leave China entirely and headed for other countries, especially the United States. In the process they became the first wave of Macaense pioneers in those new countries. For those that remained in Hong Kong and Macau, it was a period of recovery from the traumas of war and integration of the three main Macaense communities.
Macaense refugees from Shanghai
The outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 saw Beijing and other major Chinese cities fell to the Japanese in rapid succession, causing many Macaenses to leave the mainland for Macau for refuge. Although the conflict technically did not affect the extraterritorial status of the international settlements, the fighting severely disrupted business and the supply of foodstuffs. In Shanghai where the warehouses were located in Japanese controlled areas, the Shanghai Municipal Council had to obtain permits from the Japanese to gain access. When permission had been granted, other logistical difficulties hampered operations. In one instance in September 1937, permission was given for the removal of 787 truckloads of foodstuffs but only 26 truckloads were successfully carried due to insufficient time and the shortage of trucks.6_1 Further problems were posed by the huge influx of foreigners and locals from nearby areas; amongst them were the many Macaenses who had lived in Japanese controlled Hongkew. In order to alleviate the housing and food shortages, it was decided to repatriate them to Hong Kong and Macau where possible.
In August 1937 the South China Morning Post reported the imminent arrival of over one thousand Macaense refugees from war-stricken Shanghai in the French steamer The Aramis in Hong Kong where a reception committee had already been formed. Sr. Laborinho, the Consul-General for Portugal in Hong Kong, said that more were on the way and that the Hong Kong Macaense community would accommodate their relatives as best they could while the rest would proceed to Macau.6_2@2
In Macau, due to the turmoil in China, thousands of Chinese refugees were already pouring in daily so accommodation was scarce. There were already two official refugee centres housing Chinese refugees, one in Coloane, the other in nearby Tsinshan district. To cater for these Chinese refugees, the Macau government formed two Refugee Relief Committees, both chaired by the Roman Catholic Bishop of Macau with Jack Braga as secretary. The committees had several Chinese members and Pedro Lobo, a prominent Macaense public servant, represented the Macau government. Financial assistance had been obtained from the Chinese government for the care of these refugees.6_3@3 In addition to the designated centres, many church properties in surrounding districts in China became de facto refuges as many Chinese believed that being foreign owned, they would be safe there. The Braga Manuscripts contained the minutes of one committee meeting that revealed the predicament facing the civil and religious authorities in Macau. The bishop reported that he had sent his personal emissary to the Japanese Consul-General in Canton to ask the Japanese to “respect” mission properties in southern China. The Consul-General was unable to give special treatment for refuge centres inside the missions. Furthermore the Bishop was informed that the Japanese Government would not recognise any refugee centres except the one already recognised in Shanghai.6_4@4
The influx of refugees stretched the meagre resources of the Macau government. Because the prices of essential goods were increasing of late, the government helped the local merchants to stock up but at the same time imposed price controls on certain essential products. Resources were also needed to cater for another warship due soon from Portugal to bolster Macau’s defence.6_5@5 Nevertheless, the newly arrived Macaenses from Shanghai were duly accommodated. Premises like the Macau Club and the Infantry Barracks were converted into refuge centres and ferry boats that took shelter in Macau, like the Tung Shan, were commandeered as lodgings.6_6@6 For many Shanghai Macaenses, their stay was short. When the bombings stopped and conditions returned to normal, most returned to Shanghai to resume their livelihood.6_7@7
World War II
With the outbreak of World War II in China, Macau proclaimed neutrality but Hong Kong came under Japanese control. Elsewhere in Portuguese Timor, the declaration of neutrality proved ineffective as the Japanese staged a military takeover and interned the Portuguese Governor. Understandably Macau feared that it would meet with the same fate.6_8 According to the British Consul in Macau, Pownall Reeves, the reason this did not eventuate was entirely due to one man – the Macau governor:
Only the clever diplomacy of Governor Teixeira saved Macao from being dragged into the war. She had most narrow shaves and sometimes fighting actually lapped across the shores of this single island of peace in the Far East. … We have enjoyed a shelter granted to no other community in a war-torn East. No one of us who have been driven from our homes by war, whether from Chinese or British territory can ever forget what has been done for us and for our families in Macao. … We can freely offer our gratitude to His Excellency Commander Gabriel Teixeira, who himself a sailor, has steered the Colony through storms, avoiding reefs and shoals alike with uncanny skill. His ship is safely in port and we thank him for his Captaincy. Without it we would have been lost on uncharted seas.6_9
In the course of the war, the Japanese became increasingly aggressive in dealing with Macau demanding formal recognition of its puppet government in nearby Zhongshan county and insisting on being allowed to conduct house to house searches in Macau.6_10 It was a blessing for many that Macau’s neutrality was recognised as people of many nationalities had taken refuge there. An exhibit in the new Macau Museum showed that in 1937 at the start of the Sino-Japanese War, Macau’s population numbered some 150,000. However, in 1943, it was estimated that 500,000 people crowded into the small enclave. The exhibit also recorded that Macau’s generosity extended beyond its borders to some 17,000 refugees in nearby Sek-kei and that at its worst period, one hundred Chinese died each day on the streets of Macau from exhaustion, hunger and dysentery.6_11
João Bosco da Silva, a member of the Macaense diaspora in Brazil, was a youngster in Macau during World War II. He recalled walking the streets and seeing a lot of people dying especially in winter due to starvation. Luckily his father was working for the government; every day they had their ration of rice and sugar that enable them to survive. He considered that they were the lucky ones.6_12
Most people agreed that hunger was the chief problem in Macau during World War II. Monsignor Manuel Teixeira was a parish priest during that period. While Macau’s civil servants managed on meagre rations, he remembered that the worst affected were the Chinese refugees who died of hunger in the streets. He recalled that “Japanese soldiers would come to Macau to enjoy themselves. In the Hotel Kuok Chai (Grande Hotel) they would drink, eat and enjoy the girls. They would then leave dead drunk and throw up in the streets. The starving Chinese picked up the vomit and ate it.”6_13
The arrival of the Macaenses from Hong Kong following its surrender strained the available services even more. According to Armando da Silva, the first wave of refugees from Hong Kong arrived on the Japanese ferry boat Surigane Maru on 6 February 1942. For those who could not stay with relatives, refuge centres were allocated to them. The two community leaders Leo d’Almada and J.P. Braga personally selected the group that was to be housed at the Hotel Bela Vista. Armando’s father was most fortunate to be chosen to stay in the famous hotel with some of the top Macaense families from Hong Kong.6_14 So too were Gloria de Souza and her mother.6_15
In one of Jack Braga‘s radio broadcast, he asked one of the early arrivees to give a talk to urge more Macaenses to leave Hong Kong for the safety of Macau. The radio message was located among the Braga Manuscripts but the speaker’s identity could not be determined except that he was from Kowloon and that he came with nine hundred others on the Surigane Maru.6_16 The account recorded that the Japanese officers on board were really nice to them. On arrival, the Governor of Macau was at the pier to greet them. They were “well housed with two solid meals a day, and a loaf of bread for breakfast provided by the Salesian fathers”. Centres that had been set aside for the Macaense refugees were Clube de Macau, Escola Luso-Chinesa, Grêmio Militar, Clube 1 de Junho, Caixa Escolar, Penha and No 7 Rua do Barão (generously provided for their by the owner of the house). A government medical officer regularly visited the centres for health checks. Employment was available with the police, the government-controlled commodity centres and through odd jobs. Teams were organised to participate in sports and classes were arranged for the children’s education. There was a brass band and orchestra to provide entertainment. The general feeling was that “we do not feel lost or idle”.6_17
Refugees from Hong Kong received $30 per head for each adult and $24 for each child, on top of lodgings and food and health care. This caused Jack Braga to realise that the employees of the Macau Water Company, where he was the manager, were really worse off financially compared to the refugees. He wrote to senior management to rectify the situation, which they did to some extent.6_18
Indeed for the refugees from Hong Kong, there were many distractions and activities. Schools were organised to occupy the children while adults pursued more grown-up activities. There were public debates, cinemas, mahjong and card games, plays and work if one was lucky to find one. Mickey Sousa found work in the British consulate and in intelligence gathering for Jack Braga. Gloria de Souza was then only a young girl. Like other youngsters, she went to school and was fortunate to be invited to the governor’s residence for a meal and to children’s parties hosted by the British consul.
The Macaense who took refuge in Macau were not immune from petty crimes such as that experienced by C.H. Chaves and family from Hong Kong. In a letter dated 15 February 1944, Chaves asked Jack Braga for a loan of a suit for a few days to go to the British consulate to seek financial assistance to buy some clothing. He had a wife and seven children and their clothes were all stolen. He concluded: “Really my dear Jack, I have taken this bold step because I know of your qualities and your good heartedness as I have tried everywhere but of no avail and you are my last resource.”6_19 In view of Jack Braga‘s generous reputation, it was likely that Chaves would not be disappointed.6_20
Although refuge in Macau was preferable to Japanese-occupied Hong Kong, not all Macaenses made the journey. One who stayed behind was F.P. de V. Soares (“Frank”). J.P. Braga wrote about him, his intense loyalty to Portugal and the enthusiasm he brought to all his projects such as the formation of the Associação Portuguesa de Socorros Mutuos and land development in Homantin and Kowloon Tong.6_21 However, it was in his capacity as Chancellor-in-charge at the Portuguese Consulate in Hong Kong at the outbreak of World War II that won him the admiration of the Macaense community. Braga wrote:
A situation of unprecedented difficulty was created for him without previous warning and with a minimum of material resources and a lamentable deficiency of professional personnel. He had thrust upon him duties and responsibilities unparalleled in their magnitude and of the most complex nature.6_22
Also thrust upon him was the wellbeing of several thousand Hong Kong Macaenses who in normal times were well able to look after themselves but were suddenly rendered vulnerable and destitute. His private residence was converted momentarily into a cramped consular office and refuge centre. At one stage there were about four hundred people staying overnight inside the premises, all requiring to be fed. Soares freely provided Portuguese documents to enable many to leave for the safety of Macau. He and his family stayed behind in Hong Kong because the Japanese had interned his sons for being part of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. Those that remained not only had to find the means to survive but also to fend off gangs of looters who preyed on people and property.6_23
In Shanghai, many Macaenses also remained put believing that the city would fare better due to the presence of other Western PoWers, and the fact that the French Concession, where many Macaenses lived, was exempt from Japanese control. Nery had written about the Shanghai scene during World War II and his story was consistent with one provided by Michael McDougall, a prominent member of the Macaense diaspora now resident in California, USA.6_24@24 McDougall arrived from Shantou in 1942 with his parents and three siblings en route to Mozambique as part of an international prisoner exchange between the Allied and Axis powers. Although technically internees, they were allowed to seek private accommodation in Shanghai pending the arrival of the ship which was to take them to Mozambique. As British subjects, they were able to draw on the generous financial assistance provided by the British Government through the Swiss Consul-General. The assistance was a “loan” repayable after the war. In the McDougalls’ case the father’s employer, Jardine Matheson & Company, took responsibility for the loan which was sufficiently indulgent for McDougall to consider themselves to be well off. They were able to go out to restaurants and movies and to stock up on other luxuries. Furthermore, the Japanese allowed “enemy nationals” to withdraw two thousand Chinese dollars a month out of their “frozen accounts”. Because there were no restrictions on their movement, they had time and opportunity to catch up with many old friends from the Macaense community in Shanghai. To the McDougalls, Shanghai appeared very vibrant and deceptively normal, with shops, restaurants and markets still open for business. Open too were the entertainment places, gambling and nightlife that gave Shanghai its reputation. In contrast “enemy firms” were forced to close by the Japanese authorities, their bank accounts frozen and their employees discharged.6_25
It was a sad day for the Macaense community when J.P. Braga passed away in Macau on 12 February 1944. Not only did it rob them of one of their more prominent members, it interrupted his compilation of the history of the Macaenses in Hong Kong that he commenced barely two years earlier. The letters of condolence reflected J.P. Braga‘s standing in the community and attested to how much he “had done for Hong Kong”.6_26 Jack, his son, felt the loss most keenly as the father was staying with him and they collaborated on the history project. Jack Braga expressed his deep loss in a letter to his brother in California two Christmases later.6_27
By 1945 it became apparent that the Japanese were in retreat. Some Hong Kong Macaenses participated in the drafting of a comprehensive plan to regain Hong Kong in case the Japan withdrew prematurely exposing it to a takeover by Chiang Kai-shek before British forces could reach the Colony. Jack Braga notated: “A great deal of time went into the discussions and some rivalry became apparent in the selection of the individuals chosen for the various assignments”.6_28 It was a lot of paper work that led to naught as London had its own plans drawn up. In his note, Jack Braga did not intimate that he was behind the idea but a letter written by “Larry” dated 4 April 1946 clearly credited him with the idea for the project.6_29
From Macau, Jack Braga was also busy managing a network of informants that included Mickey Sousa.6_30 Their task was to obtain information about the Japanese in any way they could and passed them to the British at Allied headquarters. Braga reported to the British Consul Reeves who was the Macau chief for the British Army Aid Group (B.A.A.G.) which helped British escapees to flee from Japanese controlled areas and was responsible for the safe repatriation of the American airmen Lt. George C. Clarke, Don E. Mize and Charles Myers who were shot down by the Japanese in the vicinity of Macau.6_31
Jack Braga‘s contribution to the Allied cause during World War II was mentioned in a reference offered by Pownall Reeves, the British Consul in Macau dated 24 July 1946:
I am pleased to testify to the services rendered by Mr José Maria (Jack) Braga to the Allied governments…He acted as liaison between myself and the Nationalist Government of China’s representative in Macao; he was instrumental in effecting the escape from Macao of four American airmen; he provided guards for my Consulate; I am in a position to know that he provided much useful information to Allied authorities. It is perhaps enough to say that his life was at one time threatened by the Japanese.6_32
And in a personal note to Jack Braga, Reeves wrote: “I will say little personally; some things cannot be put into words”.6_33
Many letters in the Braga Manuscripts alluded to the great disappointment of many people about the lack of recognition and reciprocity given to those who risked their lives for the Allied cause. A Eurasian named Cotton wrote to Braga complaining bitterly:
I cannot help being bitter, more so, when I gaze around and see people who have collaborated and made money under the Japs are in favoured positions. … When I look back to those anxious days … I hate to think what would have happened to my wife and kiddies, had the Japs walked in and discovered the half ton of radio equipment in my house.6_34
The Chinese fisherman, Pang Meng, who rescued the American airmen Lt. George C. Clarke and crew sought help after the war but was ignored by both the British and the Americans. On 1 December 1945, four months after the Japanese surrender, Braga still had men on intelligence work who were expecting help with employment for their years of underground service. They expected their pay to continue, as they had not been terminated officially. Because the British had forgotten about them and the Americans did not want to know, Jack Braga continued to pay them out of his own resources until he could no longer sustain the financial burden.6_35He wrote many letters to various people to help find jobs for these men and testimonials for those who helped the Allied cause including Mickey Sousa.<sup>6_36</sup>
Jack Braga expressed his disappointment in a letter in 1946 to his friend C.R. Boxer:
I have lost everything in doing this [underground] work. The cost of living was so terribly high and so many agents had to get help, for the sake of the information they were securing, that all my money went in the good cause. Looking back I am not sorry, but the utter indifference shown by the Hong Kong officers to all our work shocks me thoroughly.6_37
He was to be disappointed further in another arena. Having achieved rather good marks to gain entry into the University of Hong Kong, his two daughters were told by the Education Department that “[because] the Bragas have plenty of money they need not apply [for scholarships].” Braga complained to the Director of Education on 5 November 1946 and to the Colonial Secretary on 29 November 1946, citing the reason that “I lost a considerable sum in keeping myself and my family alive, besides money spent in services for the Allied cause”. His pleading was to no avail when the Education Department informed Braga that his daughters’ results did not warrant the grant of a scholarship.6_38 This refusal must have appeared all the more incomprehensible to Braga when two months later, he received a letter from Government House, Hong Kong reading: “I am directed by His Excellency the Governor to express his thanks to you for restoring to Government House a number of photographs of former governors of the Colony which had been in your father’s safe-keeping during the war.”6_39
Of all the letters that Jack Braga received about World War II, perhaps the most desperate were the ones from Lourenco Oswaldo de Senna. There were three letters from de Senna dated 16 May 1946, 24 May 1946 and 24 June 1946. De Senna was arrested in Kunming for being a Japanese spy on 16 December 1944 together with his family. Tortured for two days, then imprisoned awaiting trial, de Senna was told by the judge that if he could get a letter from Jack Braga or Consul Reeves testifying that he was not a spy at all but was “of use” to the British Consul in Macau, then he would be set free. Jack Braga appeared not to have responded to him because two years later, de Senna’s case was taken up by the Consul-General of Portugal in Shanghai, Armando Lopo Simeao. The Consul-General wrote twice on 19 November and 18 December 1948 pleading with Braga to write the testimonial in favour of de Senna. He had been left in prison due to lack of evidence to prosecute him and lack of evidence to release him. Braga appeared not to have responded to the Consul-General either.6_40
Driven out of Mainland China
Macau had barely returned to some semblance of normality following World War II when the Chinese civil war ended in favour of the Communists, triggering a fresh wave of refugees fleeing into Hong Kong and Macau. The plight of the Shanghai Macaense community was highlighted in a report prepared by one of its own, M.H. Gutterres.6_41 When the Communists occupied Shanghai, the unprecedented exodus of Chinese and foreign nationals included the majority of the Macaense community. They were “compelled to sell most of their belongings for a mere pittance because [of] the endless restrictions and regulations imposed by the [Communists] whose prime object was to drive all foreigners out of China”. Those who had ways and means emigrated to the United States, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Portugal and other parts of the world but the rest languished in camps to await the prospect of resettlement to other parts of Portugal’s many provinces. According to Dr. E. Brazão, Portuguese Consul in Hongkong: “Resettlement was not out of the picture, but … the uprooting of a few thousand people from the land of their birth, the land to which they were most closely identified, simply to deposit them in territory where the climate alone would cripple many, was not a task any Government would undertake lightly.”6_42
According to Gutterres, the Shanghai Macaenses had to rely on their own efforts to find employment. In Macau, the army and the police could absorb a number of the younger generation, and the commercial enterprises took on a dozen or so of the older ones. Some found jobs in Hongkong, but the numbers were negligible.
The American Red Cross and Catholic Welfare agencies did their best to render aid despite the tremendous demands made on them from other parts of the world.
Gutterres pleaded for work to be given to his fellow Macaenses because “those who were accustomed to social activities and work … abhor the idea of living in idleness which is gradually … creating despair and despondency in their hearts.”6_43
Some records exist of the three camps set aside for the Macaense refugees from Shanghai.6_44 The records in the Braga Manuscripts do not include all the Shanghai refugees that went to Macau because the information appears to have been compiled around mid-1955 when only a remnant was left. Despite this deficiency, the records provide a glimpse of the nature of the Shanghai community, their previous employment and their aspirations for their future domicile. Due to the size of the data and the inappropriateness of certain remarks, certain information has been edited but a list of names has been supplied in the appendix.
[Editorial note: from the ages, it is clear that the lists were compiled in 1959. – HdA]
From the Braga records, we note the following:
1) Age groups.6_45
Age Group | 60+ | 50+ | 40+ | 30+ | 20+ | Under 20 | Total |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Camp 1 | 30 | 17 | 19 | 15 | 4 | 65 | 150 |
Camp 2 | 35 | 10 | 20 | 16 | 3 | 41 | 125 |
Camp 3 | 6 | 4 | 12 | 5 | 6 | 16 | 49 |
Totals | 71 | 31 | 51 | 36 | 13 | 122 | 324 |
2) Previous occupation:6_46
The occupations and places where they worked in Shanghai were varied. Some of them worked for the major banks such as Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, The Chartered Bank, Mitsui Bank; others worked for major companies like Standard Oil, British Tobacco, Watson Pharmacy, Jardine Matheson, Imperial Chemical. Many more were engaged as stenographers, teachers, musician, beautician, bakery, motor mechanics, travelling salesman, nurse, radio technicians, printers, apartment managers and florist. Other places of work mentioned were police, clubs, hotels, cafes, restaurants, port facilities, electric companies, consulate, newspaper office, real estate firms, and the US army.
3) Destinations preferred:6_47
The majority wanted to go to the United States. Those who nominated other places such as Japan, Britain and France merely wished to join their families or a relative there.
4) Reasons for remaining in the refugee camps:6_48
The remarks recorded against the various names provided the reasons why these refugees were languishing in the camps. These included age factor, health, lack of finance, waiting for children’s visas to come through, racial exclusion, failed applications, lack of proper identification papers and mere convenience.
- Age: They felt too old to settle into a new environment. They had no wish to leave Macau, even to join members of their families.
- Health: Some failed the medical examination; others had physical disability or were blind, deaf or invalid.
- Finance: Most did not have the financial means to qualify for a visa or could not find anyone to sponsor them. Many were waiting to be sponsored by family members who were already overseas.
- Waiting for children’s status: A few older ones were waiting to accompany their children and would only follow their children when their visas had been approved.
- Race: Some applicants were rejected due to their Chinese descent or their wives being Chinese.
- Already rejected: Some did apply but failed to gain acceptance and did not know the reason why.
- No proper papers: One did not have any identification papers which were lost long time ago.
- Convenience: Most remained in the camps out of convenience while their husbands and sons were working outside or in Hong Kong. Young children were staying with grandparents to keep them company and because the Macau government provided the children with school tuition.
Those in the camps who had lost their identification papers would face the same problem as Michael Patrick O’Brien who lived in China for almost twenty years before arriving in Macau from Shanghai together with the vast numbers of refugees fleeing Communist China. At the time, he did not require papers to enter Macau. On 18 September 1952 he boarded the ferry Lee Hong for Hong Kong. Arriving in Hong Kong the next morning, he was refused permission to land because he could not produce any identification papers or a landing permit. Returning to Macau, he was treated as a new arrival and was refused entry. No one knew where he was born. He claimed to be an American citizen but the United States claimed he was born in Hungary. For ten months he ate and slept on board the vessel, became a celebrity with the passengers and achieved international fame as “the man without a country”.6_49
This might be the same group of Shanghai Macaense refugees that were featured in the Special Supplement “Macao Today” published on 18 January 1958 in the Hong Kong Standard.6_50One could feel the pathos among the remnants who numbered about three hundred and fifty. They were reported as either very young or very old; the generation in between having been “dispersed to the four winds”, establishing new lives in Hong Kong, North America or South America. The reporter wrote:
Time hangs heavy in their hands. There is the same drab scene, the same dreary existence. Idleness weaves its menacing pattern – demoralising to the spirit, degenerating to the mind. … We’ve never had it so bad, an old man sighed. He fingered his shabby, old suit that still bore the label – now tattered – of one of old Shanghai’s most renowned tailors. … But it could have been worse, I guess. … There was a chilling melancholy in his words. … They are the old exiles, returned home. Years ago, their fathers had gone far into the north in search of a better living and found it. Today they are returned, strangers in their fathers’ home.6_51
A few had integrated into the Macau community such as Fausto Maher who taught English in a school and gave English lessons to some Portuguese army officers. He also had a job as a radio announcer. Described as a prosperous refugee, Fausto said: “I am no different to any other refugee friends, no clever or no more enterprising. It’s just the luck of the draw.” His daughter secured a scholarship for studies in Canada but because it did not pay for the passage, she could not take it up. “I’m not that well off, you know”, Fausto reportedly said.6_52
Frederico Cruz, the officer in charge of the refugee centre at Luso-Chinesa, kept himself busy at night writing to his wife and family in the United States. Health had delayed his joining them. Cruz said that it was mostly women who were left and they kept themselves busy with household chores and children, and might play mahjong to kill time. The food was good and plentiful and the children went to schools, however there were the disagreement and petty squabbles usually associated with living at close quarters.6_53
Retreat to a precarious existence
The victory of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949 brought to an end the century of foreign domination in China. For the Macaenses who used to live in Mainland China, it was a departure with a sense of finality. Their employers had pulled out; there was no prospect of a return. Driven out of Mainland China, they retreated to Hong Kong, Macau and cities beyond. Allowed to leave with only meagre belongings, they lost almost everything. Many were exhausted by wars and social upheavals during the past decades. With China in the throes of continual revolution, the prospect of further turmoil bore heavily on the Macaense minds, providing the catalyst for their search of a better world to rebuild their lives. Some grasped the opportunities to emigrate to countries such as the United States, Canada and Australia. The Macaenses who retreated momentarily to Hong Kong and Macau knew only too well how precarious was their situation there. Nevertheless they set to make the most of their new environment.
The retreat to Hong Kong and Macau had its attractions. It was an important period when the various communities from Macau, Hong Kong and Shanghai started to blend. As Macaenses from Macau continued to arrive in Hong Kong in search of work, social integration followed as a matter of course.
Economically, Hong Kong and Macau became increasingly linked. Macau was still heavily reliant on gambling for the bulk of its revenue, while gold, opium and illegal immigrants were easily smuggled across its borders by highly organised groups.6_54 By then Portugal had declined further in economic importance and accounted for only five percent of Macau’s total exports.6_55 As modern industrialisation picked up its pace in Macau, a picture emerged suggesting that most of the investments were of Hong Kong origin. By the early 1970s, concerns were raised by the Far Eastern Economic Review that:
The benefits of the boom … largely bypassed the 300,000 residents of the Portuguese province. The capital came from overseas Chinese investors, most of it from Hong Kong. … It was a reminder that the futures of the two were inextricably linked – and that Macao, increasingly, was becoming a colony of a colony.6_56
The linkage reflected the impact of globalisation, as light industries became highly mobile in pursuit of lower production costs. Perhaps reflecting the prejudice and ignorance of its writer, the same publication remarked a few years later that Macau was “living parasitically off the prosperity of Hongkong”.6_57
The integration of the three principal Macaense communities was not without its problems.6_58 Like three tributaries of a river flowing into one, there was turbulence at the junction. These found expression not only in the sporting fields in the 1950s and early 1960s but also in social gatherings. Social life for the young was happy and hectic as revealed in the reminiscence of many. In time, through sports, work, social interaction and marriage many of the petty differences were eventually set aside.
The Cold War
The establishment of the People’s Republic of China and the onset of the Cold War caused massive disruption to Hong Kong and Macau’s trade with China. The traditional entreport trade virtually disappeared overnight as Chinese industries tackled the cataclysmic changes caused by the transition from rampant capitalism to socialism. Manufacturing industry across Mainland China suffered badly due to the vacuum caused by the departure of whole strata of industrialists, financiers and senior management. As raw material supplies became disrupted, export industries took a backward leap. Not only were conditions not conducive to foreign trade but the Korean War and the onset of the Cold War brought international pressures in the form of trade embargoes. Letters in the Braga Manuscripts revealed that Hong Kong and Macau suffered economic hardships, eventhough it was common knowledge that certain Macau businessmen were engaged in smuggling essential items such as petroleum, medicines and other necessities to China using fishing junks, in defiance of American and UN decrees.6_59 The Portuguese government’s excuse was that Macau wished to remain neutral and Portugal wanted to avoid hostility towards China.6_60 For a brief period of time, Portuguese Macau became the main conduit for illicit trade with China, just like four centuries ago when they were engaged in illicit trade in defiance of the Ming imperial edicts.
Many observers believed that the disruption to the entreport trade was good for both Hong Kong and Macau because it provided an impetus for the establishment of a modern manufacturing sector. Utilising the vast pool of cheap and eager labour and the industrial expertise of the new immigrants from Shanghai, Hong Kong achieved spectacular success as an important manufacturing base in the Far East.
International politics changed dramatically as a result of World War II and the Cold War. Asian states were clamouring for independence. Portugal, the Netherlands and Britain were targeted due to their vast colonial interests in Africa and Asia. The authorities of Hong Kong and Macau and their respective home governments were highly sensitive to the pressures of anti-colonialism. For the first time in centuries, China was unified and claimed its place as a significant power. Venturing into the international arena, China championed anti-colonialism and wars of national liberation. In April 1955 at the Bandung Conference, it sought a leadership role among the community of the non-align nations. To the Western powers, this was a strong signal that Mainland China would actively seek the return of Hong Kong and Macau as a matter of national honour. In the ensuing decades, the Macaenses eked out a precarious living under China’s menacing shadow where “everyone seems to feel he is living on borrowed time” as reported by a Manila newspaper in February 1959.6_61 How the Macaenses in Hong Kong and Macau adapted to such a precarious existence would form the subject of the final chapter.
Christopher Rand in The New Yorker, 17 November 1951, BMC-NLA, MS 4300, Box 12, Envelope 1.
Gunn, Encountering Macau, 143-144.
The Philippines Herald, 4 February 1959, 7, BMC-NLA, MS 4300, Box 12, Envelope 8.
Conclusion
For the Macaenses in Macau, the Treaty Century began with hope coupled with uncertainty; hope of improved business and access to new ports but uncertain about how the increased competition would affect them and their Macau. In order to survive they had to rely on all the skills they could muster to make themselves useful to the new emergent Western PoWers. They utilised their varied skills to function as clerks, book-keepers, intermediaries and translators, thereby remaining relevant in the changing economic and political times. At the official level, Portugal had an understanding with the other Western PoWers to keep China in check. Communally, the Macaenses aligned themselves openly with the British who provided good opportunities for many to prosper. Like other communities, the Macaenses rode with the fortunes of the various settlements; buoyed by the successes but also dismayed by the sufferings as a result of various wars. As the communities re-grouped following 1949, there was a strong feeling of exhaustion from all the combat and turmoil. Some were seduced by the prospects of new horizons and opportunities beyond Asia, just as China had beckoned their forefathers from Malacca or the treaty ports had attracted their great-Grandfathers from Macau and Hong Kong. Like their forefathers, the Macaenses demonstrated the same attributes of an entrepreneurial spirit, great adaptability, mobility and heightened cultural skills. These qualities were crucial to their survival in the past and essential for flourishing in new environments.